Argentina - The Trawler.org
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NOVARO “A theatrical resignation of the dollar” (La Nación, AR)
375 days ago by Jimena Val Gora
The restrictions placed on acquiring US Dollars in Argentina, imposed by the government in the last few months, are one of the major topics in national newspapers. Marcos Novaroanalyzes Pres. C. Kirchner last announcement, in this article, where she informed the population that she was going to sell her savings in the US currency in order to acquire Argentinean pesos.
Novaro explains that this is a typical case of “ruling with the example”. This practice, quite normal in politics, has been used by all types of governments: democratic, authoritarian, despotic, republican, etc. In the case of Cristina Kirchner, Novaro points out that using herself as an example is a common practice in the presidential speeches, as she usually invokes experiences from her life to justify different decisions. This, Novaro argues, is a quite typical strategy which is normally used to approach the public and give a more ‘human’ image, and it should not be problematic at all.
However, the announcement of selling her dollars should be interpreted in a different way. President Kirchner and the rest of the government officers, who were urged by the president to follow her example, present themselves as the solution to the problem, and therefore moving away from the cause of it. The announcement provoked a debate about whether it was wise to imitate her or not. Novaro regards Kirchner’s actions as manipulative, she does not want to be remembered as the president of the high inflation (25-30%), the president who was unable to defend the national currency. Therefore, she decided to plead herself “guilty” of buying dollars in the past, but she makes no mention to the root causes of the inflation in the first place.
Novaro asks himself if the President will be able to gain followers with her actions. The answer is, probably, no. But that is not really important. The major issue is the economic and political crisis that is approaching. The strategy of the government is now to show that those who insist on the dollar, and do not choose to trust in the national peso, are the ones to be regarded as responsible for the crisis. Novaro concludes that while kirchnerism was able to produce a big growth of private goods, on the public sphere the deficit is also growing at a big scale. There is a lack of public goods, an inability to produce them or manage them, and the public goods that had been inherited from the past have been wasted and preyed. The currency is clearly one of these public goods.
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LABORDA “What’s behind the ‘saucepan’ protest?
377 days ago by Jimena Val Gora
Fernando Laborda, at La Nación, analyses in this article the so-called “saucepan” protests (cacerolazos) that took place in the city of Buenos Aires last week.
These protests hold many resemblances with the famous 2001 “cacerolazos”: they took place in the same wealthy neighborhoods where they started in 2001, and they were also triggered by economic reasons. There is a consensus among public opinion analysts, that while the main root of the protest is economic, the decision of take action has been determined by a combination of economic distress and high perception of corruption.
The movement is, however, still only an isolated protest, which only includes middle and middle high classes of the city of Buenos Aires. Nevertheless, it may begin to grow. Laborda concludes that this still an incipient protest is the reflection of a population getting tired of an administrative style, and it also reflects a warning to the government regarding economic uncertainty, the ghosts of the past and the fear of more interventionist measures.
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FRAGA “Nine years of Kirchnerism: accomplishments and unresolved matters” (La Nación, AR)
386 days ago by Jimena Val Gora
Nine years after Néstor Kirchner was first elected President, Rosendo Fraga, at La Nación, writes a short summaryof the best and the worst moments of this period.
He begins with three important accomplishments. The first one is a political one: during these last nine years the political authority of the President was rebuilt, which is quite a relevant issue if we consider the fact that in the 2001- 2002 crisis there were five different presidents in ten days.
The second accomplishment is the growth of the economy, which was in line with a general growth of the entire region. However, in the Argentinean case the recovery allowed a faster and less painful way out of the crisis. The third point is the reduction of poverty and unemployment –which was also following the general tendency of Latin America. Poverty index in 2002 was of 53%, now it is estimated to be around 22%.
Regarding the unresolved matters Fraga also presents three important issues. In the political area, the division of powers has been weakened and instead there is a strong “hyperpresidentialism”. In the social area, the inequality level has been seldom reduced, and this can be linked to the low quality of public education. The high rates of violence and criminality are also correlated with the level of inequality.The third point Fraga mentions is the current situation of international relations. The country is still quite isolated and is having problems trying to reinsert into the international arena.
Finally, Fraga distinguishes three different moments in the “Kirchner” era. The first one, between 2003 and 2005, can be called “transversability”. Here, N. Kirchner made an effort to create a new political force, differentiating himself from the classic Peronism. The second period is between 2005 and 2010, when Kirchner returned to Peronism and its classic allies and focused on governability. The third period, from 2010 to 2012, occurred after his demise. Cristina Kirchner assumed leadership and once again drifted apart from classic Peronism and former allies.
Fraga’s doubt is whether now, that the economic growth is at a stall, Kirchnerism will still be able to get the same political support.
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TAMBURRINI “Will the ‘Barras Bravas’ last forever?” (Clarín, AR)
392 days ago by Jimena Val Gora
Claudio Tamburrini, whose escape from a clandestine prison during the 70s was portrayed in the film “Crónica de una Fuga”, details in this article with a serious issue of Argentinean society: violence in football. He understands this violence as a political phenomenon, which could only be eradicated if there is a true political will to do so.
Tamburrini, as a former football player, feels like football should be about playing, competing, and having fun. The audience should be there to enjoy and encourage their teams. But reality shows quite a different thing. Football is also a place of violence and criminality, and “barras bravas”” are much to blame for this. Violence in football is neither a new phenomenon nor it is an exclusively Argentinean issue. The case of British hooligans in the 70′s and 8o’s is probably one of the best known examples. British authorities were able to eradicate violence from the stadiums, but the cost, according to many, was quite high: the party and the passion that should be also a part of a sport competition was also eliminated.
Tamburrini further explores the debate and tries to determine where the limit between a “barra brava” and an “ordinary fan” lies. The truth is that many ordinary fans’ behavior in the stadiums can be also understood as criminal. They insult, threaten, and throw objects to the players, among other things. He concludes that the difference between a “barra brava” and an “ordinary fan” is only a matter of degree, and not a substantial one. Both behaviors are rooted in the macho and aggressive ideology of sports such as football. If violence is indeed inherent to football, how can it be eradicated? Tamburrini suggests that even though cultural factors may play an important role, the real key to stop violence is the political will to do it.
In the case of Great Britain there were no political ties between hooligans and the clubs authorities. In the Argentina the situation is much more serious. “Barras Bravas” are usually seen travelling around the world, following their teams in international competitions, and they are able to travel because they have deep ties with the clubs authorities and even with the Argentinean Football Association (AFA). Under these circumstances, where the phenomenon of violence is actually a part of the power structure of football, the end of violence is hard to imagine.
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FERRERES “Economic tendencies for 2012” (La Nación, AR)
393 days ago by Jimena Val Gora
Orlando Ferreres , in this article,offers a quite thorough and objective analysis of the economic situation in Argentina and of what can be expected for the rest of the year.
He predicts that economic activity will decrease in 2012 (with growth of around only 2%) as a consequence of the global crisis, the low level of investment, the lack of growth of real salary, and the lower agricultural production due to the droughts.
Regarding the effect of the global crisis, Ferreres points out that this is affecting the country in an indirect way and mainly via the trade sector. This has resulted in a loss of competitiveness, especially vis a vis Brazil. Industrial manufactures are not likely to grow in the short term.
One of the few sectors that continues to grow, and which is therefore giving an impulse for the growth of GDP, is the financial sector. Real salary is not growing, and this may cause the consumption rate to fall. This tendency may however change in 2013 with the mid-term elections.
Life cost is likely to increase- even though the inflation rate is likely to go down due to the cooling down of the economy. The main reason for an increase in life cost is related to the removal of state subsidies.
All in all, Ferreres predicts that 2012 will end with a low economic growth and with real salaries at a standstill- but with a 15% real raise of credit for consumption. Inflation will probably be similar to 2012. The major question is what will happen with the exchange rate. Ferreres guesses that in order to keep it stable, a certain loss of reserves will be necessary.
-
NOVARO, “The radicalization of the government could be trap” (Clarín, AR)
398 days ago by Jimena Val Gora
Marcos Novaro analyzes, in this article, the last decisions of the government and particularly the position of Pres. C. Kirchner. He considers that the President had better options to consolidate her power, but she decided to fight on too many fronts and to transform her allies into enemies.
Novaro sees the President’s last actions as an irreversible way to radicalization: confiscation of YPF, the government position in the Ciccone case, and the continuous confrontations with City of Buenos Aires’ Mayor Mauricio Macri, Buenos Aires Governor Daniel Scioli– a member of her own party– and syndical leader Hugo Moyano. Novaro asks himself for how long will society continue to allow and tolerate the government behavior, especially if the economic crisis starts to deepen. Eventually, Novaro suggests, the government’s actions may lead to a trap. Novaro considers that after Pres. Kirchner was reelected he had better options, which could also include some radical measures. Instead, she made some wrong decisions that are now putting her in the middle of a sort of “political war”. The situation forced the government to increase its debt which is why the state is moving forward in taking control of the exchange market, trade and energy. But the costs of these movements may be too hard, especially when many former allies of the government are becoming enemies.
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ROSLER “Malvinas, an unfair and conventional war” (Clarín, AR)
401 days ago by Jimena Val Gora
Andrés Rosler, at Clarín, uses the example of Malvinas War in this article to analyze and try to understand the ambivalences of international law toward wars.
The Malvinas war was initiated by a de facto government, which is the reason why it is categorized as an unfair war. As a matter of fact, Rosler explains, according to the UN Chart war is, in most cases, unfair. Following international law, Argentina´s attack is an aggression. On the other hand, British legitimate defense on this aggression does not grant any sovereignty rights over the Islands since, if we follow international law, victory does not grant new rights.
Rosler explains that Malvinas war was a conventional war with no civilian casualties. But if we analyze it in more detail it is possible to find some of the ambivalences of international public right. War is understood as a crime, but a soldier fighting in a war is granted legal immunity whenever he commits acts of war, even if he is fighting for an “unfair” cause. Rosler poses the question: why is someone given legal immunity, if the war itself is unfair? If one wanted to resolve this ambivalence, there are only two ways in the Malvinas case. The first option implies that the Islands are British, since Britain won the war. This would leave the door open to many new wars worldwide. The second option implies that Argentinean soldiers have committed homicide, since they were fighting for an unfair cause according international law.
Rosler concludes that, having these two options, the ambivalence of international law seems to be the more sensible answer.
NOVARO “A theatrical resignation of the dollar” (La Nación, AR)
375 days ago by Jimena Val GoraThe restrictions placed on acquiring US Dollars in Argentina, imposed by the government in the last few months, are one of the major topics in national newspapers. Marcos Novaroanalyzes Pres. C. Kirchner last announcement, in this article, where she informed the population that she was going to sell her savings in the US currency in order to acquire Argentinean pesos.
Novaro explains that this is a typical case of “ruling with the example”. This practice, quite normal in politics, has been used by all types of governments: democratic, authoritarian, despotic, republican, etc. In the case of Cristina Kirchner, Novaro points out that using herself as an example is a common practice in the presidential speeches, as she usually invokes experiences from her life to justify different decisions. This, Novaro argues, is a quite typical strategy which is normally used to approach the public and give a more ‘human’ image, and it should not be problematic at all.
However, the announcement of selling her dollars should be interpreted in a different way. President Kirchner and the rest of the government officers, who were urged by the president to follow her example, present themselves as the solution to the problem, and therefore moving away from the cause of it. The announcement provoked a debate about whether it was wise to imitate her or not. Novaro regards Kirchner’s actions as manipulative, she does not want to be remembered as the president of the high inflation (25-30%), the president who was unable to defend the national currency. Therefore, she decided to plead herself “guilty” of buying dollars in the past, but she makes no mention to the root causes of the inflation in the first place.
Novaro asks himself if the President will be able to gain followers with her actions. The answer is, probably, no. But that is not really important. The major issue is the economic and political crisis that is approaching. The strategy of the government is now to show that those who insist on the dollar, and do not choose to trust in the national peso, are the ones to be regarded as responsible for the crisis. Novaro concludes that while kirchnerism was able to produce a big growth of private goods, on the public sphere the deficit is also growing at a big scale. There is a lack of public goods, an inability to produce them or manage them, and the public goods that had been inherited from the past have been wasted and preyed. The currency is clearly one of these public goods.
LABORDA “What’s behind the ‘saucepan’ protest?
377 days ago by Jimena Val GoraFernando Laborda, at La Nación, analyses in this article the so-called “saucepan” protests (cacerolazos) that took place in the city of Buenos Aires last week.
These protests hold many resemblances with the famous 2001 “cacerolazos”: they took place in the same wealthy neighborhoods where they started in 2001, and they were also triggered by economic reasons. There is a consensus among public opinion analysts, that while the main root of the protest is economic, the decision of take action has been determined by a combination of economic distress and high perception of corruption.
The movement is, however, still only an isolated protest, which only includes middle and middle high classes of the city of Buenos Aires. Nevertheless, it may begin to grow. Laborda concludes that this still an incipient protest is the reflection of a population getting tired of an administrative style, and it also reflects a warning to the government regarding economic uncertainty, the ghosts of the past and the fear of more interventionist measures.
FRAGA “Nine years of Kirchnerism: accomplishments and unresolved matters” (La Nación, AR)
386 days ago by Jimena Val GoraNine years after Néstor Kirchner was first elected President, Rosendo Fraga, at La Nación, writes a short summaryof the best and the worst moments of this period.
He begins with three important accomplishments. The first one is a political one: during these last nine years the political authority of the President was rebuilt, which is quite a relevant issue if we consider the fact that in the 2001- 2002 crisis there were five different presidents in ten days.
The second accomplishment is the growth of the economy, which was in line with a general growth of the entire region. However, in the Argentinean case the recovery allowed a faster and less painful way out of the crisis. The third point is the reduction of poverty and unemployment –which was also following the general tendency of Latin America. Poverty index in 2002 was of 53%, now it is estimated to be around 22%.
Regarding the unresolved matters Fraga also presents three important issues. In the political area, the division of powers has been weakened and instead there is a strong “hyperpresidentialism”. In the social area, the inequality level has been seldom reduced, and this can be linked to the low quality of public education. The high rates of violence and criminality are also correlated with the level of inequality.The third point Fraga mentions is the current situation of international relations. The country is still quite isolated and is having problems trying to reinsert into the international arena.
Finally, Fraga distinguishes three different moments in the “Kirchner” era. The first one, between 2003 and 2005, can be called “transversability”. Here, N. Kirchner made an effort to create a new political force, differentiating himself from the classic Peronism. The second period is between 2005 and 2010, when Kirchner returned to Peronism and its classic allies and focused on governability. The third period, from 2010 to 2012, occurred after his demise. Cristina Kirchner assumed leadership and once again drifted apart from classic Peronism and former allies.
Fraga’s doubt is whether now, that the economic growth is at a stall, Kirchnerism will still be able to get the same political support.
TAMBURRINI “Will the ‘Barras Bravas’ last forever?” (Clarín, AR)
392 days ago by Jimena Val GoraClaudio Tamburrini, whose escape from a clandestine prison during the 70s was portrayed in the film “Crónica de una Fuga”, details in this article with a serious issue of Argentinean society: violence in football. He understands this violence as a political phenomenon, which could only be eradicated if there is a true political will to do so.
Tamburrini, as a former football player, feels like football should be about playing, competing, and having fun. The audience should be there to enjoy and encourage their teams. But reality shows quite a different thing. Football is also a place of violence and criminality, and “barras bravas”” are much to blame for this. Violence in football is neither a new phenomenon nor it is an exclusively Argentinean issue. The case of British hooligans in the 70′s and 8o’s is probably one of the best known examples. British authorities were able to eradicate violence from the stadiums, but the cost, according to many, was quite high: the party and the passion that should be also a part of a sport competition was also eliminated.
Tamburrini further explores the debate and tries to determine where the limit between a “barra brava” and an “ordinary fan” lies. The truth is that many ordinary fans’ behavior in the stadiums can be also understood as criminal. They insult, threaten, and throw objects to the players, among other things. He concludes that the difference between a “barra brava” and an “ordinary fan” is only a matter of degree, and not a substantial one. Both behaviors are rooted in the macho and aggressive ideology of sports such as football. If violence is indeed inherent to football, how can it be eradicated? Tamburrini suggests that even though cultural factors may play an important role, the real key to stop violence is the political will to do it.
In the case of Great Britain there were no political ties between hooligans and the clubs authorities. In the Argentina the situation is much more serious. “Barras Bravas” are usually seen travelling around the world, following their teams in international competitions, and they are able to travel because they have deep ties with the clubs authorities and even with the Argentinean Football Association (AFA). Under these circumstances, where the phenomenon of violence is actually a part of the power structure of football, the end of violence is hard to imagine.
FERRERES “Economic tendencies for 2012” (La Nación, AR)
393 days ago by Jimena Val GoraOrlando Ferreres , in this article,offers a quite thorough and objective analysis of the economic situation in Argentina and of what can be expected for the rest of the year.
He predicts that economic activity will decrease in 2012 (with growth of around only 2%) as a consequence of the global crisis, the low level of investment, the lack of growth of real salary, and the lower agricultural production due to the droughts.
Regarding the effect of the global crisis, Ferreres points out that this is affecting the country in an indirect way and mainly via the trade sector. This has resulted in a loss of competitiveness, especially vis a vis Brazil. Industrial manufactures are not likely to grow in the short term.
One of the few sectors that continues to grow, and which is therefore giving an impulse for the growth of GDP, is the financial sector. Real salary is not growing, and this may cause the consumption rate to fall. This tendency may however change in 2013 with the mid-term elections.
Life cost is likely to increase- even though the inflation rate is likely to go down due to the cooling down of the economy. The main reason for an increase in life cost is related to the removal of state subsidies.
All in all, Ferreres predicts that 2012 will end with a low economic growth and with real salaries at a standstill- but with a 15% real raise of credit for consumption. Inflation will probably be similar to 2012. The major question is what will happen with the exchange rate. Ferreres guesses that in order to keep it stable, a certain loss of reserves will be necessary.
NOVARO, “The radicalization of the government could be trap” (Clarín, AR)
398 days ago by Jimena Val GoraMarcos Novaro analyzes, in this article, the last decisions of the government and particularly the position of Pres. C. Kirchner. He considers that the President had better options to consolidate her power, but she decided to fight on too many fronts and to transform her allies into enemies.
Novaro sees the President’s last actions as an irreversible way to radicalization: confiscation of YPF, the government position in the Ciccone case, and the continuous confrontations with City of Buenos Aires’ Mayor Mauricio Macri, Buenos Aires Governor Daniel Scioli– a member of her own party– and syndical leader Hugo Moyano. Novaro asks himself for how long will society continue to allow and tolerate the government behavior, especially if the economic crisis starts to deepen. Eventually, Novaro suggests, the government’s actions may lead to a trap. Novaro considers that after Pres. Kirchner was reelected he had better options, which could also include some radical measures. Instead, she made some wrong decisions that are now putting her in the middle of a sort of “political war”. The situation forced the government to increase its debt which is why the state is moving forward in taking control of the exchange market, trade and energy. But the costs of these movements may be too hard, especially when many former allies of the government are becoming enemies.
ROSLER “Malvinas, an unfair and conventional war” (Clarín, AR)
401 days ago by Jimena Val GoraAndrés Rosler, at Clarín, uses the example of Malvinas War in this article to analyze and try to understand the ambivalences of international law toward wars.
The Malvinas war was initiated by a de facto government, which is the reason why it is categorized as an unfair war. As a matter of fact, Rosler explains, according to the UN Chart war is, in most cases, unfair. Following international law, Argentina´s attack is an aggression. On the other hand, British legitimate defense on this aggression does not grant any sovereignty rights over the Islands since, if we follow international law, victory does not grant new rights.
Rosler explains that Malvinas war was a conventional war with no civilian casualties. But if we analyze it in more detail it is possible to find some of the ambivalences of international public right. War is understood as a crime, but a soldier fighting in a war is granted legal immunity whenever he commits acts of war, even if he is fighting for an “unfair” cause. Rosler poses the question: why is someone given legal immunity, if the war itself is unfair? If one wanted to resolve this ambivalence, there are only two ways in the Malvinas case. The first option implies that the Islands are British, since Britain won the war. This would leave the door open to many new wars worldwide. The second option implies that Argentinean soldiers have committed homicide, since they were fighting for an unfair cause according international law.
Rosler concludes that, having these two options, the ambivalence of international law seems to be the more sensible answer.
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